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   1. <dc:title>-"(K)i" hiztegian, eta hiztegiaz harantzago</dc:title>

   2. <dc:creator>Fernández Fernández, Beatriz</dc:creator>

   3. <dc:description>A morpheme -(k)i invariably precedes dative clitics in Basque verbal inflection. This morpheme has been analyzed as an applicative marker (Elordieta 2001, Fernández 2012, 2014b among others). In this paper, I will revisit this hypothesis, providing arguments for and against it. It will be shown that, although attractive, the applicative analysis of -(k)i presents some typological problems that can be alternatively solved by assuming -(k)i to be a preposition, as claimed by Trask (1981). Moreover, -(k)i can also appear in non-finite verbal forms of verbs such as atxiki, eutsi ‘hold on’ or jarraiki ‘follow’. Regarding those instances, I will propose -(k)i to be a lexicalized preposition responsible for dative selection. This instance of the applicative preposition is claimed to differ from the quirky -(k)i attested in verbs like eduki ‘(possessive) have’ and jakin ‘know’. Contrary to dative-selecting verbs like jarraiki ‘follow’, neither eduki ‘(possessive) have’ nor jakin ‘know’ select any datives. However, these verbs have been historically attested in both synthetic and analytic ditransitive forms, i.e. forms including datives, and have been also preserved in this configuration in western varieties (Gaminde 2004). In those instances, dative clitics are not introduced by the quirky -(k)i, but by the applicative preposition -(k)i.; -(K)i morfemari aplikatiboa iritzi izan zaio lan batzuetan (Elordieta 2001, Fernández 2012, 2014b beste batzuen artean). Lan honetan, aplikatiboaren hipotesia berrikusiko dut, berez izan ditzakeen zenbait eragozpen tipologiko eztabaidatuz, eta Traski (1981) jarraituz, beste hipotesi berri bat jorratuko dut, hots, -(k)i preposizio bat dela. Bestalde, aditz inflexioan ez, ez bada zenbait aditzen partizipioetan ageri diren beste bi -(k)i morfema ere aztertuko ditut: bat atxiki, eutsi eta jarraiki aditzetan ageri da eta zerikusi estua du -(k)i aplikatibo/preposizioarekin, zeren konfigurazio datibodunetan agertzen da nagusiki, hau da, egiturara datibo bat gaineratuz eta ondorioz, datibo komunztadura ere sartuz.-(K)i hori lexikalizaturik dago, eta horrek azal dezake aditz hauek datiboa hautatzea. Aldiz, bada beste -(k)i izun bat, aditzaren oinarri morfologikoan agertu arren, datibo kasuaren eta komunztaduraren ezarketarekin batere zerikusirik ez duena. -(K)i izunekoak dira eduki zein jakin aditzak, zeinak nagusiki iragankorrak diren eta testu historikoetan, salbuespenak salbuespen (Axular edo Pouvreau adibidez), konfigurazio datibodunetan nekez aurki daitezkeen, batez ere forma sintetikoetan. Alabaina, salbuespenak badira. Horiexek zein mendebaldeko hizkera batzuetan (Gaminde 2004) oraindik ere jaso daitezkeen daukatzut edo dakitzut bezalako forma datibodunak aztertuko ditut lan honetan.</dc:description>

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               2. <dc:creator>Fernández Fernández, Beatriz</dc:creator>

               3. <dc:description>A morpheme -(k)i invariably precedes dative clitics in Basque verbal inflection. This morpheme has been analyzed as an applicative marker (Elordieta 2001, Fernández 2012, 2014b among others). In this paper, I will revisit this hypothesis, providing arguments for and against it. It will be shown that, although attractive, the applicative analysis of -(k)i presents some typological problems that can be alternatively solved by assuming -(k)i to be a preposition, as claimed by Trask (1981). Moreover, -(k)i can also appear in non-finite verbal forms of verbs such as atxiki, eutsi ‘hold on’ or jarraiki ‘follow’. Regarding those instances, I will propose -(k)i to be a lexicalized preposition responsible for dative selection. This instance of the applicative preposition is claimed to differ from the quirky -(k)i attested in verbs like eduki ‘(possessive) have’ and jakin ‘know’. Contrary to dative-selecting verbs like jarraiki ‘follow’, neither eduki ‘(possessive) have’ nor jakin ‘know’ select any datives. However, these verbs have been historically attested in both synthetic and analytic ditransitive forms, i.e. forms including datives, and have been also preserved in this configuration in western varieties (Gaminde 2004). In those instances, dative clitics are not introduced by the quirky -(k)i, but by the applicative preposition -(k)i.; -(K)i morfemari aplikatiboa iritzi izan zaio lan batzuetan (Elordieta 2001, Fernández 2012, 2014b beste batzuen artean). Lan honetan, aplikatiboaren hipotesia berrikusiko dut, berez izan ditzakeen zenbait eragozpen tipologiko eztabaidatuz, eta Traski (1981) jarraituz, beste hipotesi berri bat jorratuko dut, hots, -(k)i preposizio bat dela. Bestalde, aditz inflexioan ez, ez bada zenbait aditzen partizipioetan ageri diren beste bi -(k)i morfema ere aztertuko ditut: bat atxiki, eutsi eta jarraiki aditzetan ageri da eta zerikusi estua du -(k)i aplikatibo/preposizioarekin, zeren konfigurazio datibodunetan agertzen da nagusiki, hau da, egiturara datibo bat gaineratuz eta ondorioz, datibo komunztadura ere sartuz.-(K)i hori lexikalizaturik dago, eta horrek azal dezake aditz hauek datiboa hautatzea. Aldiz, bada beste -(k)i izun bat, aditzaren oinarri morfologikoan agertu arren, datibo kasuaren eta komunztaduraren ezarketarekin batere zerikusirik ez duena. -(K)i izunekoak dira eduki zein jakin aditzak, zeinak nagusiki iragankorrak diren eta testu historikoetan, salbuespenak salbuespen (Axular edo Pouvreau adibidez), konfigurazio datibodunetan nekez aurki daitezkeen, batez ere forma sintetikoetan. Alabaina, salbuespenak badira. Horiexek zein mendebaldeko hizkera batzuetan (Gaminde 2004) oraindik ere jaso daitezkeen daukatzut edo dakitzut bezalako forma datibodunak aztertuko ditut lan honetan.</dc:description>

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      2. <dc:description lang="none">A morpheme -(k)i invariably precedes dative clitics in Basque verbal inflection. This morpheme has been analyzed as an applicative marker (Elordieta 2001, Fernández 2012, 2014b among others). In this paper, I will revisit this hypothesis, providing arguments for and against it. It will be shown that, although attractive, the applicative analysis of -(k)i presents some typological problems that can be alternatively solved by assuming -(k)i to be a preposition, as claimed by Trask (1981). Moreover, -(k)i can also appear in non-finite verbal forms of verbs such as atxiki, eutsi ‘hold on’ or jarraiki ‘follow’. Regarding those instances, I will propose -(k)i to be a lexicalized preposition responsible for dative selection. This instance of the applicative preposition is claimed to differ from the quirky -(k)i attested in verbs like eduki ‘(possessive) have’ and jakin ‘know’. Contrary to dative-selecting verbs like jarraiki ‘follow’, neither eduki ‘(possessive) have’ nor jakin ‘know’ select any datives. However, these verbs have been historically attested in both synthetic and analytic ditransitive forms, i.e. forms including datives, and have been also preserved in this configuration in western varieties (Gaminde 2004). In those instances, dative clitics are not introduced by the quirky -(k)i, but by the applicative preposition -(k)i.; -(K)i morfemari aplikatiboa iritzi izan zaio lan batzuetan (Elordieta 2001, Fernández 2012, 2014b beste batzuen artean). Lan honetan, aplikatiboaren hipotesia berrikusiko dut, berez izan ditzakeen zenbait eragozpen tipologiko eztabaidatuz, eta Traski (1981) jarraituz, beste hipotesi berri bat jorratuko dut, hots, -(k)i preposizio bat dela. Bestalde, aditz inflexioan ez, ez bada zenbait aditzen partizipioetan ageri diren beste bi -(k)i morfema ere aztertuko ditut: bat atxiki, eutsi eta jarraiki aditzetan ageri da eta zerikusi estua du -(k)i aplikatibo/preposizioarekin, zeren konfigurazio datibodunetan agertzen da nagusiki, hau da, egiturara datibo bat gaineratuz eta ondorioz, datibo komunztadura ere sartuz.-(K)i hori lexikalizaturik dago, eta horrek azal dezake aditz hauek datiboa hautatzea. Aldiz, bada beste -(k)i izun bat, aditzaren oinarri morfologikoan agertu arren, datibo kasuaren eta komunztaduraren ezarketarekin batere zerikusirik ez duena. -(K)i izunekoak dira eduki zein jakin aditzak, zeinak nagusiki iragankorrak diren eta testu historikoetan, salbuespenak salbuespen (Axular edo Pouvreau adibidez), konfigurazio datibodunetan nekez aurki daitezkeen, batez ere forma sintetikoetan. Alabaina, salbuespenak badira. Horiexek zein mendebaldeko hizkera batzuetan (Gaminde 2004) oraindik ere jaso daitezkeen daukatzut edo dakitzut bezalako forma datibodunak aztertuko ditut lan honetan.</dc:description>

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   1. <title>-"(K)i" hiztegian, eta hiztegiaz harantzago</title>

   2. <creator>Fernández Fernández, Beatriz</creator>

   3. <description>A morpheme -(k)i invariably precedes dative clitics in Basque verbal inflection. This morpheme has been analyzed as an applicative marker (Elordieta 2001, Fernández 2012, 2014b among others). In this paper, I will revisit this hypothesis, providing arguments for and against it. It will be shown that, although attractive, the applicative analysis of -(k)i presents some typological problems that can be alternatively solved by assuming -(k)i to be a preposition, as claimed by Trask (1981). Moreover, -(k)i can also appear in non-finite verbal forms of verbs such as atxiki, eutsi ‘hold on’ or jarraiki ‘follow’. Regarding those instances, I will propose -(k)i to be a lexicalized preposition responsible for dative selection. This instance of the applicative preposition is claimed to differ from the quirky -(k)i attested in verbs like eduki ‘(possessive) have’ and jakin ‘know’. Contrary to dative-selecting verbs like jarraiki ‘follow’, neither eduki ‘(possessive) have’ nor jakin ‘know’ select any datives. However, these verbs have been historically attested in both synthetic and analytic ditransitive forms, i.e. forms including datives, and have been also preserved in this configuration in western varieties (Gaminde 2004). In those instances, dative clitics are not introduced by the quirky -(k)i, but by the applicative preposition -(k)i.; -(K)i morfemari aplikatiboa iritzi izan zaio lan batzuetan (Elordieta 2001, Fernández 2012, 2014b beste batzuen artean). Lan honetan, aplikatiboaren hipotesia berrikusiko dut, berez izan ditzakeen zenbait eragozpen tipologiko eztabaidatuz, eta Traski (1981) jarraituz, beste hipotesi berri bat jorratuko dut, hots, -(k)i preposizio bat dela. Bestalde, aditz inflexioan ez, ez bada zenbait aditzen partizipioetan ageri diren beste bi -(k)i morfema ere aztertuko ditut: bat atxiki, eutsi eta jarraiki aditzetan ageri da eta zerikusi estua du -(k)i aplikatibo/preposizioarekin, zeren konfigurazio datibodunetan agertzen da nagusiki, hau da, egiturara datibo bat gaineratuz eta ondorioz, datibo komunztadura ere sartuz.-(K)i hori lexikalizaturik dago, eta horrek azal dezake aditz hauek datiboa hautatzea. Aldiz, bada beste -(k)i izun bat, aditzaren oinarri morfologikoan agertu arren, datibo kasuaren eta komunztaduraren ezarketarekin batere zerikusirik ez duena. -(K)i izunekoak dira eduki zein jakin aditzak, zeinak nagusiki iragankorrak diren eta testu historikoetan, salbuespenak salbuespen (Axular edo Pouvreau adibidez), konfigurazio datibodunetan nekez aurki daitezkeen, batez ere forma sintetikoetan. Alabaina, salbuespenak badira. Horiexek zein mendebaldeko hizkera batzuetan (Gaminde 2004) oraindik ere jaso daitezkeen daukatzut edo dakitzut bezalako forma datibodunak aztertuko ditut lan honetan.</description>

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